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Nigerians And The Failed Coup In Turkey By Reuben Abati

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Turkey is about five hours away from Nigeria by air, about 2, 634 miles from here, but the night there was a coup attempt in Turkey, July 15, with soldiers shutting down parts of Ankara and Istanbul, you’d think Ankara is a city somewhere in Nigeria and Istanbul is an extension of our country. Commentaries kept flying up and down on Nigeria social media space, with the coup attempt in Turkey becoming a trending topic.
 And yet the strongest connection between Nigeria and Turkey is probably trade, tourism, socio-cultural affinities, and the fact that many Nigerian travellers now find it easier and cheaper to travel through Turkey to other European capitals, with Turkish Airlines making all the profit and no Nigerian airline on that route!
Still, if Turkey finds itself in a bad shape, as it has, that is not likely to affect the already sorry fortunes of the Naira or the forbidding cost of food items in Nigerian markets. On Friday, many Nigerians stayed awake and projected their own worst fears unto the Turkish situation.

 

By way of summary, there was among the Nigerian commentators an all-round condemnation of any attempt to upturn the Constitutional order either in Turkey or anywhere else in the world. When it was reported that a former Turkish President had remarked that the coup will not stand, because “Turkey is not Africa”, (former President Abdullah Gul actually said Latin America), there was also a feeling of outrage. How dare he make such a racist comment in the midst of such a serious situation?When President Recep Tayyip Erdogan took to Facetime on his mobile phone to get himself onto television, and he pleaded with the Turkish population to take to the streets to resist the coup makers, and his call was heeded, not a few commentators at this end wondered if Nigerians would have answered such a summon to patriotism and whether or not religious and ethnic sentiments or the fear of being shot to death would not have kept the people indoors. Concerns were also expressed about the fate of Nigerians living in Turkey in the event of a blowout at the crossroads of Europe. By Saturday morning, the coup had failed. Erdogan was significantly back in control. About 200 persons had died, and over 2,000 persons were recorded as injured. As I monitored the situation in Turkey and the reactions in Nigeria, I was struck by how so much can be learnt from the strong interest that the failed coup attempt has generated among educated Nigerians.

Nigerians know what it means to have a constitutional order derailed by military intervention. Between 1960 and 1999, Nigeria moved from one form of military rule to another, characterized by obstinacy, and absolutism, experiencing only short spells of civilian rule. Similarly, the military in Turkey have since 1960 intervened directly at least four times (1970, 1971, 1980, 1997). And in all instances, the Turkish coup plotters always claimed that their role was to restore order and stabilize the country. This is a rhetoric that is quite familiar to Nigerians. Every military coup is justified on messianic grounds. In the latest onslaught in Turkey, the plotters claim they want to establish a “Peace Council.”

Between 1993 and 1999, Nigerians fought the military to a standstill, insisting on a definite return to civilian rule and the institutionalization of democracy. Sixteen years later, the democratic spirit is well established among the people, if not the Nigerian leadership elite. The people have seen what a demonstration of people power can achieve: they used it to get the military out of power, they relied on it to insist that the Constitution be respected and obeyed when a President died in office and certain forces did not want his successor to get into office, and again, they have seen people-power at work in removing a sitting government from power. Right now in Nigeria, to toy with this power of the people in any form is to sow the seeds of organized mass rebellion.

Not surprisingly, in the past few years, every display of the people’s supremacy in other parts of the world has attracted either interest or a copy-cat instinct among Nigerians. First, there was the Arab Spring, which resulted in calls for the Nigerian Spring, which later found expression in the politically motivated Occupy Nigeria protests of January 2012. And now from Turkey, the major point of interest for Nigeria has been in my estimation, how the people took to the streets to confront soldiers. The coup failed in Turkey because it lacked popular support. Turkey has for long been considered an embarrassment in Europe. A successful coup in 2016 would have put the country in a worse shape and done further damage to the country’s reputation. The people stood up for their country, not President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. They stood up for an idea: The idea of democracy. The three major political parties disowned the coup. Mosques called on the people to go to the streets and fight for democracy. Even Erdogan’s critics, including the Kemalists and the Glulenists, denounced the coup plotters. The images that came across were images of the police confronting the soldiers and disarming them (This was intriguing- can anyone ever imagine the Nigeria police protecting democracy: they would have since collected bribe from the coup plotters, there is massive corruption in Turkey too but their police fought for the nation). Ordinary citizens lay down in front of the coup plotters’ tanks and asked to be crushed; brave citizens disarmed the soldiers and took over the city squares.

It is the kind of bravery that Nigerians find surreal. The coup attempt in Turkey comes at a time when the civil society in Nigeria is beginning to lose the spirit to stand in front of tanks, and guns: the people have been battered to a point where their strongest protection is their power of the ballot and so the average Nigerian endures suffering, convinced that when again it is time to vote, no one can rob him or her of his power to choose. But the situation in Turkey reminds us of the kind of danger that any democracy, with troubled foundations can face, hence Nigerians ask if they too can be as courageous as the Turkish have been, with both Turks and the much abused Kurds, and other divided groups, uniting, momentarily, on one issue.

Not that Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan deserves the victory over the coup plotters, though. Outsiders, including Nigerians, consider him a bad guy; and even if he is still popular and blindly followed by the majority of his people, his 13-year record in office falls far short of standards. He came to office on the wave-crest of popular appeal. In Istanbul where he was a city mayor at a time, he remains immensely popular, and he is also probably the most popular leader, not in Europe, but the Arab world. Thrice, he and his party, the AKP, won nationally organized elections. But success soon got into Erdogan’s head, as he descended into the lower depths of arrogance and dictatorship. He started having issues with neighbours and allies.

He became undemocratic, shamelessly alienating civil society, the press and the judiciary. He is so temperamental and intolerant of criticism and alternative views, he is now surrounded mainly by sycophants and relatives. In his attempt to dominate everything and everyone, he became known as the “buyuk usta”, that is “the big master”, and of course, he now lives in a $615 million Presidential palace with 1, 150 rooms! In addition, he wants to acquire US-style executive Presidential powers and he is busy battling, real and imaginary enemies. He may have been saved by the people’s rejection of the coup attempt, but perhaps Erdogan has been saved more by his own cleverness. The coup attempt against his government was an amateur, unorganized effort. It lacked the support of the military command, which Erdogan had cleverly subjected to civilian control, and among whom he had built centres of personal loyalty. Over the years, he weakened the military and strengthened the police and the intelligence services. The coup plotters over-estimated their capacity and misread the people’s mood.

Their failure may embolden Erdogan and even make him more authoritarian: he is already sounding off about being in charge and dealing with the coup plotters (over 2,000 of whom have already been rounded up and arrested, even judges have been fired). But Turkey is in a very bad shape. Resentments run deep. There are deep fears about threats to the country’s secularism, and attempts to Islamicise the country. A paranoid Erdogan could worsen the situation. Both the United States and the European Union should take a keen interest in what happens in Turkey after the coup attempt, to ensure that rather than dig deeper into authoritarianism, Erdogan would see the need to run a more open, inclusive and democratic government.

The coup may have failed, and democracy may have won, but whatever issues led to a group of ill-prepared soldiers taking the law into their hands cannot be wished away. To tell the truth, Recep Erdogan acts very much, in all respects, like an African leader in Europe – that probably explains the keen Nigerian interest. The key lesson, all told, is that the importance and survival of democracy relates to the importance of civic virtue, this is why leaders must rely not just on the people’s commitment to an idea, but must seek to make democracy work for all the people.

ppuy

 

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Wole Olanipekun, Taiwo Oyedele Urge South-West Governors to Maximise Tinubu Presidency for Regional Growth

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Senior  Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Wole Olanipekun, and Chairman of the Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee, Taiwo Oyedele, have called on South-West governors and political leaders to fully leverage President Bola Tinubu’s administration to drive accelerated development across the region.
The duo made the call on Monday in Akure, Ondo State capital, while speaking at a public lecture organised as part of activities marking the 50th anniversary of Ondo State’s creation.
They stressed that the South-West must prioritise massive investments in infrastructure, industrialisation, and economic reforms during Tinubu’s tenure to secure long-term regional prosperity.
Olanipekun cautioned that the political advantage of having a South-West president is temporary, noting that President Tinubu’s tenure will come to an end after his second term in 2031.
According to him, the region must act decisively within this window to strengthen its economic base and ensure sustainable development beyond the current administration.

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BREAKING: Malami Tells Court He Earned ₦12bn+ Legitimately, Seeks Release of Seized Properties

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Former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami (SAN), has disclosed details of his earnings while asking a Federal High Court in Abuja to set aside an interim order authorising the seizure of 57 properties allegedly linked to him.
Malami made the disclosure through his counsel, Joseph Daudu (SAN), in a motion on notice filed before the court. The application seeks to vacate an interim forfeiture order affecting three of the 57 properties currently under investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
According to the court filing, Malami stated that he had fully and transparently declared his sources of income in his asset declaration submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB).
The document outlined multiple income streams, including:
₦374.63 million earned from salaries, estacodes, severance allowances, and related entitlements.
₦574.07 million generated from the disposal of personal assets.
₦10.01 billion recorded as turnover from private business ventures.
₦2.52 billion issued as loans to various businesses.
₦958 million received as traditional gifts from personal friends.
₦509.88 million realised from the launch and public presentation of his book titled “Contemporary Issues on Nigerian Law and Practice: Thorny Terrains in Traversing the Nigerian Justice Sector – My Travails and Triumphs.”
Malami’s legal team argued that the declared earnings sufficiently explain the source of funds used to acquire the properties in question, urging the court to lift the interim seizure order.
The matter remains pending before the Federal High Court as the EFCC continues its forfeiture proceedings.

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MAN Urges Federal Government to Stop NAFDAC’s Sachet Alcohol Ban, Warns of ₦1.9 Trillion Loss

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The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria has appealed to the Federal Government to restrain the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control from proceeding with its ban on alcoholic beverages packaged in sachets and small PET bottles, warning of catastrophic economic consequences.

In a statement issued by Director-General Segun Ajayi-Kadir, MAN described NAFDAC’s renewed enforcement action as detrimental to indigenous industrial operators and fundamentally inconsistent with earlier government directives.

The manufacturers’ body emphasized that NAFDAC’s recent move directly contradicts the House of Representatives resolution dated March 14, 2024, which specifically restrained the agency from implementing the punitive ban following comprehensive stakeholder consultations through a public hearing.

“Rather than abiding by the generally agreed resolution, NAFDAC bided its time and chose to rely on a resolution of the Senate that was devoid of the usual stakeholders’ engagement,” Ajayi-Kadir stated, noting that operators now face confusion over conflicting directives from different arms of government.

MAN warned that enforcing the ban would devastate Nigeria’s manufacturing sector, threatening over ₦1.9 trillion in existing investments and triggering the retrenchment of more than 500,000 direct employees alongside approximately five million workers in the indirect value chain.

The association cautioned that the restriction would paradoxically undermine public health by creating market opportunities for illicit, substandard and unregulated products beyond the control of regulatory authorities.

“This is counterproductive as it will open up the market for illicit, sub-standard, and unregulated products. It will lead to an influx of imported alternatives, mostly smuggled. It will deny the government of revenues collectable from the companies,” Ajayi-Kadir declared.

The manufacturers’ group emphasized that alcohol served in sachets by local producers is manufactured under hygienic conditions and certified by regulatory agencies including NAFDAC itself, making the ban particularly contradictory.

MAN also challenged the untested assertion that sachet alcohol drives underage consumption, citing credible and empirical research that contradicts this claim. The industry has independently invested over ₦1 billion in nationwide media campaigns promoting responsible alcohol consumption and discouraging underage abuse.

The association stressed that banning certified products would deny adult consumers with limited budgets access to regulated alcoholic beverages while simultaneously depriving the government of substantial tax revenues.

Food, Beverages and Tobacco Senior Staff Association and National Union of Food, Beverages and Tobacco Employees have joined MAN in opposing the ban, demanding that NAFDAC provide empirical evidence that sachet alcoholic beverages are being consumed by children.

Labor unions have called for the suspension of NAFDAC Director-General Professor Mojisola Adeyeye, accusing her of siding with multinational companies to undermine local manufacturers.

However, NAFDAC has maintained its position, with Adeyeye insisting that enforcement is backed by law following the Senate’s unanimous resolution setting a December 2025 deadline that has now passed.

The NAFDAC chief argued that the proliferation of high-alcohol-content beverages in sachets has made such products easily accessible, affordable and concealable, contributing to widespread misuse and addiction among minors and commercial drivers.

“This public health menace has been linked to increased incidences of domestic violence, road accidents, school dropouts, and social vices across communities,” Adeyeye stated, describing the ban as protective rather than punitive.

In contrast, civil society organization Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project has approached the Federal High Court in Lagos seeking injunctive orders to prevent the Federal Government from interfering with NAFDAC’s statutory powers to enforce the ban.

SERAP argues that continued circulation of sachet alcohol violates the National Health Act 2014, the NAFDAC Act and international commitments under the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy to Reduce Harmful Use of Alcohol.

The legal and economic battle over sachet alcohol highlights deeper tensions between public health regulation, economic survival and stakeholder consultation in Nigeria’s policymaking process, with no clear resolution in sight as multiple court cases and regulatory actions unfold simultaneously.

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