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Nigerians And The Failed Coup In Turkey By Reuben Abati
Nigerians know what it means to have a constitutional order derailed by military intervention. Between 1960 and 1999, Nigeria moved from one form of military rule to another, characterized by obstinacy, and absolutism, experiencing only short spells of civilian rule. Similarly, the military in Turkey have since 1960 intervened directly at least four times (1970, 1971, 1980, 1997). And in all instances, the Turkish coup plotters always claimed that their role was to restore order and stabilize the country. This is a rhetoric that is quite familiar to Nigerians. Every military coup is justified on messianic grounds. In the latest onslaught in Turkey, the plotters claim they want to establish a “Peace Council.”
Between 1993 and 1999, Nigerians fought the military to a standstill, insisting on a definite return to civilian rule and the institutionalization of democracy. Sixteen years later, the democratic spirit is well established among the people, if not the Nigerian leadership elite. The people have seen what a demonstration of people power can achieve: they used it to get the military out of power, they relied on it to insist that the Constitution be respected and obeyed when a President died in office and certain forces did not want his successor to get into office, and again, they have seen people-power at work in removing a sitting government from power. Right now in Nigeria, to toy with this power of the people in any form is to sow the seeds of organized mass rebellion.
Not surprisingly, in the past few years, every display of the people’s supremacy in other parts of the world has attracted either interest or a copy-cat instinct among Nigerians. First, there was the Arab Spring, which resulted in calls for the Nigerian Spring, which later found expression in the politically motivated Occupy Nigeria protests of January 2012. And now from Turkey, the major point of interest for Nigeria has been in my estimation, how the people took to the streets to confront soldiers. The coup failed in Turkey because it lacked popular support. Turkey has for long been considered an embarrassment in Europe. A successful coup in 2016 would have put the country in a worse shape and done further damage to the country’s reputation. The people stood up for their country, not President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. They stood up for an idea: The idea of democracy. The three major political parties disowned the coup. Mosques called on the people to go to the streets and fight for democracy. Even Erdogan’s critics, including the Kemalists and the Glulenists, denounced the coup plotters. The images that came across were images of the police confronting the soldiers and disarming them (This was intriguing- can anyone ever imagine the Nigeria police protecting democracy: they would have since collected bribe from the coup plotters, there is massive corruption in Turkey too but their police fought for the nation). Ordinary citizens lay down in front of the coup plotters’ tanks and asked to be crushed; brave citizens disarmed the soldiers and took over the city squares.
It is the kind of bravery that Nigerians find surreal. The coup attempt in Turkey comes at a time when the civil society in Nigeria is beginning to lose the spirit to stand in front of tanks, and guns: the people have been battered to a point where their strongest protection is their power of the ballot and so the average Nigerian endures suffering, convinced that when again it is time to vote, no one can rob him or her of his power to choose. But the situation in Turkey reminds us of the kind of danger that any democracy, with troubled foundations can face, hence Nigerians ask if they too can be as courageous as the Turkish have been, with both Turks and the much abused Kurds, and other divided groups, uniting, momentarily, on one issue.
Not that Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan deserves the victory over the coup plotters, though. Outsiders, including Nigerians, consider him a bad guy; and even if he is still popular and blindly followed by the majority of his people, his 13-year record in office falls far short of standards. He came to office on the wave-crest of popular appeal. In Istanbul where he was a city mayor at a time, he remains immensely popular, and he is also probably the most popular leader, not in Europe, but the Arab world. Thrice, he and his party, the AKP, won nationally organized elections. But success soon got into Erdogan’s head, as he descended into the lower depths of arrogance and dictatorship. He started having issues with neighbours and allies.
He became undemocratic, shamelessly alienating civil society, the press and the judiciary. He is so temperamental and intolerant of criticism and alternative views, he is now surrounded mainly by sycophants and relatives. In his attempt to dominate everything and everyone, he became known as the “buyuk usta”, that is “the big master”, and of course, he now lives in a $615 million Presidential palace with 1, 150 rooms! In addition, he wants to acquire US-style executive Presidential powers and he is busy battling, real and imaginary enemies. He may have been saved by the people’s rejection of the coup attempt, but perhaps Erdogan has been saved more by his own cleverness. The coup attempt against his government was an amateur, unorganized effort. It lacked the support of the military command, which Erdogan had cleverly subjected to civilian control, and among whom he had built centres of personal loyalty. Over the years, he weakened the military and strengthened the police and the intelligence services. The coup plotters over-estimated their capacity and misread the people’s mood.
Their failure may embolden Erdogan and even make him more authoritarian: he is already sounding off about being in charge and dealing with the coup plotters (over 2,000 of whom have already been rounded up and arrested, even judges have been fired). But Turkey is in a very bad shape. Resentments run deep. There are deep fears about threats to the country’s secularism, and attempts to Islamicise the country. A paranoid Erdogan could worsen the situation. Both the United States and the European Union should take a keen interest in what happens in Turkey after the coup attempt, to ensure that rather than dig deeper into authoritarianism, Erdogan would see the need to run a more open, inclusive and democratic government.
The coup may have failed, and democracy may have won, but whatever issues led to a group of ill-prepared soldiers taking the law into their hands cannot be wished away. To tell the truth, Recep Erdogan acts very much, in all respects, like an African leader in Europe – that probably explains the keen Nigerian interest. The key lesson, all told, is that the importance and survival of democracy relates to the importance of civic virtue, this is why leaders must rely not just on the people’s commitment to an idea, but must seek to make democracy work for all the people.
The United States Coast Guard (USCG) has lifted a 12-year-old Condition of Entry (CoE) imposed on vessels arriving in the United States after calling at Nigerian ports, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy Adegboyega Oyetola has announced.
The development ends a regime of additional security requirements that had affected vessels operating between Nigeria and the United States since June 25, 2014.
Under the former arrangement, vessels heading to the US that had visited designated Nigerian ports within their previous five port calls were subjected to additional security measures and enhanced scrutiny before being allowed into American waters.
Oyetola said the decision followed significant improvements in Nigeria’s maritime security system and its implementation of the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code.
The minister credited the achievement to collaboration between the Federal Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), government agencies, port and terminal operators, shipping companies and other stakeholders.
According to Oyetola, the US Coast Guard conducted four comprehensive assessments of Nigeria’s maritime security framework and port facilities between 2024 and 2026.
The assessments took place in March and April 2024, March 2025 and April 2026, with the findings showing improvements in Nigeria’s compliance with international maritime security standards.
The lifting of the restriction is expected to have implications beyond security compliance.
According to the minister, Nigerian ports could benefit from faster vessel turnaround times, improved shipping schedules and lower operational costs, as vessels will no longer face the additional requirements imposed specifically under the CoE.
The development could also make Nigerian ports more attractive to international shipping operators and potentially encourage greater shipping activity, trade and investment.
For more than a decade, the additional requirements had contributed to increased security and operational expenses for shipping companies, as well as extra inspections, documentation and delays.
Oyetola described the lifting of the restriction as an important milestone for Nigeria’s maritime sector and an indication that the country’s efforts to improve port security are yielding results.
He also commended NIMASA Director-General Dayo Mobereola and his team for their contribution to the process.
The minister said the Federal Government would continue working to maintain the progress made and position Nigeria as a safe, secure and competitive destination for international shipping.
The removal of the US restriction is therefore being seen as a significant development for Nigeria’s maritime industry, particularly as the country seeks to improve port efficiency and strengthen its role in international trade.
Dangote Petroleum Refinery has secured a $400 million underwriting commitment as preparations continue for its planned initial public offering (IPO), which could become one of Africa’s largest-ever stock market listings.
The underwriting commitment was announced by IPO advisers Marob Strategies and Consulting DIFC Ltd and Lilium Capital Group. It forms part of a broader $1 billion underwriting programme supporting the proposed offering.
The programme comprises a $600 million completed and funded private placement alongside the new $400 million underwriting commitment.
The refinery, owned by Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote, has submitted an application to Nigeria’s Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) for a potential $5 billion IPO. However, the final size of the offering has not yet been determined and will depend on regulatory approval and market conditions.
According to the advisers, the $400 million underwriting facility will become effective when the IPO is launched, subject to prevailing market conditions and the necessary regulatory approvals.
The development represents another major step in the refinery’s plans to broaden its ownership base and raise additional capital for future growth.
The company has been preparing for a retail-focused Nigerian IPO, with management previously indicating that the offering is intended to give Nigerian investors an opportunity to participate directly in the refinery’s growth.
The proposed $5 billion offering has attracted considerable attention because of its potential scale.
Dangote Refinery is Africa’s largest refinery, with an initial refining capacity of about 650,000 barrels per day. The company has also set out plans to increase capacity to approximately 1.4 million barrels per day within three years, with the expansion expected to be financed partly through IPO proceeds and debt.
The refinery’s management has said preparations for the IPO are progressing, while investor interest has been strong during pre-marketing activities.
A $2.5 billion private placement in July reportedly valued the refinery at around $40 billion. The transaction was said to have been heavily oversubscribed, attracting interest from African and international institutional investors.
Dangote Refinery has also strengthened its position in international fuel markets amid disruptions linked to the conflict involving Iran.
The refinery has become a major supplier of aviation fuel to markets across Africa and Western Europe, with its management saying it became Europe’s largest supplier of jet fuel in June and July.
The company also benefits from its access to Nigeria’s crude oil resources, strong domestic fuel demand and its integrated refining operations.
Unlike plans for an immediate foreign listing, the company currently intends to focus its IPO on the Nigerian market.
Dangote Refinery’s CEO, David Bird, said the company wants the offering to encourage broad participation by Nigerians and create an opportunity for citizens to share in the refinery’s future growth.
A potential foreign listing could be considered later, after the company establishes a longer track record of production and financial performance.
With the new $400 million underwriting commitment and preparations for a potential $5 billion offering continuing, the Dangote Refinery IPO is shaping up to be a major development for Nigeria’s capital market and the country’s energy sector.
Nigerian security forces have arrested a suspected terrorist operative allegedly connected to notorious terror figure Dogo Gide, alongside 60 other suspected collaborators in separate operations across the country.
The arrests were recorded between August 12 and 13, 2026, according to a military situation report released in Abuja on Thursday.
In Kaduna State, troops of the 4 Demonstration Battalion reportedly intercepted a suspected ISWAP operative at the Kadage Checkpoint. The suspect was allegedly transporting seven pairs of sewn foreign camouflage uniforms believed to be destined for a terrorist camp.
Military authorities said preliminary questioning indicated that the suspect was a close associate of Dogo Gide and had allegedly been providing logistical assistance to his network.
Items recovered during the arrest included 23 yards of foreign camouflage material, two mobile phones, three ATM cards and an identity card, among other materials.
In Adamawa State, troops from the 226 Battalion, working alongside local hunters, conducted a raid on a motor park in the Gombi area following intelligence reports concerning suspected terrorist collaborators.
The military said some of the suspects were allegedly operating under the cover of menial workers and hawkers. The operation resulted in the arrest of 60 people, who have been detained while investigations continue.
Authorities are expected to establish the identities of those arrested and determine whether they have links to terrorist activities.
The military also reported a significant recovery in Zamfara State, where troops of the 1 Brigade found an RPG bomb during a fighting patrol around Tunga-Jambako in Maradun Local Government Area.
The recovery followed an earlier terrorist ambush in the area. Troops subsequently carried out searches and expanded their presence to prevent further attacks and restrict the movement of suspected terrorists.
In Benue State, troops operating under Operation Whirl Stroke arrested five suspected terrorists during offensive operations around suspected terrorist enclaves in Chito, Jootar and Ikyior, all in Ukum Local Government Area.
The military said the troops destroyed the identified enclaves and recovered two motorcycles and two locally fabricated firearms, among other items.
The report also disclosed that troops in Borno State intercepted five women and seven children believed to be family members of terrorists after they reportedly escaped from the Gazuwa Camp.
Separately, six male children were intercepted at Ajiri after reportedly fleeing Murofari Village, where violent clashes had occurred between rival terrorist groups.
The military said the operations demonstrate its continued reliance on intelligence-led actions to disrupt terrorist logistics, dismantle support networks and restrict the freedom of movement of armed groups across the country.
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